BOOK XXI. KEUN-CH＇IN.
1. The king spake to the following effect, "Keunch＇in, it is you who are possessed of excellent virtue,filial and respectful. Being filial, and friendly with your brethren, you can display those qualities in the exercise of government. I appoint you to rule this eastern frontier. Be reverent!
INTRODUCTORY NOTE. Keun-ch＇in was the successor, in ＇the eastern capital＇, of the duke of Chow,who henceforth passes off the stage of the Shoo,which he has occupied so long. Between the ＇Officers of Chow＇ and the ＇Keun-ch＇in＇ there were two Books,which are both lost. The loss of the second we must much deplore, for it contained an account of the death of the duke of Chow, and an announcement made by king Ching at his bier. The duke died in Fung, the capital of his father Wǎn, and, dying, signified his wish to be buried at Ching-chow, which he had built and watched over. The place was dear to him; but his wishes in regard to it were always to be disappointed.He had sought to make it the capital of the dynasty,but king Ching would not leave Haou. He now wished that his dust should rest in its soil, but the king chose rather to have him buried in Peih, the cemetery of their House (in the pres. district of Han-yang, dep. of Sengan). The object, according to Sze-ma Ts＇een, was to honour him. He says that ＇the king buried him in Peih,near by king Wǎn, to show that he did not presume to look on the duke as a minister.
The duke of Chow was undoubtedly one of the greatest men whom China has produced, and I do not know the statesman of any nation with whom his countrymen need shrink from comparing him. But this is not the place for writing either his history or his eulogium; I only wish, before passing on with the translation of the Shoo, to consider the claim which has been advanced for him to the invention of the mariner＇s compass. Gaubil held that he was versed both in astronomy and geometry, and says expressly that the use of the compass was known to him;—see＇Le Chou-king,＇ p. 214, note 4. The common opinion of the Chinese is that not only was the use of the instrument known to him, but that he discovered it. In the chapter on ＇Inventions＇ (制作), in the 幼學故事尋源, or ＇Inquiries into ancient things for the use of Learner,＇it is said—＇The duke of Chow made the south-pointing chariot, which has come down to us in the form of the mariner＇s compass＇ (周公作指南車, 羅盤是其遗制).
The circumstances under which he is said to have made this instrument may be given first in the narrative of P. De Mailla, in his ＇Histoire Generale de la Chine,＇ pp. 316—318. When I subjoin the sources of his narrative, the reader will see how the history has been compiled, and whether we can put faith in the things related. P. De Mailla says:—＇This same sixth year of his reign, king Ching, after having established his different officers, received the news that the ambassadors of a foreign kingdom, called Yuě-tchang-tchi (越裳氏), were come to bring him presents and do him homage. This kingdom, situated to the south of the country of Kiao-tchi (交趾) or Cochin-china, had never sent anybody to China. The emperor gave orders that the ambassadors should be conducted to the court, and that great honours should everywhere be paid to them. This prince (? the king, or the duke of Chow) received them very well, treated them with distinction, and accepted their presents, among which was a white pheasant,—a species heretofore unknown; after which he made the inquiry be put to then on what business they had come. They replied by interpreters, that the elders of their country said loudly, that for three years they had had neither winds nor tempest, no unseasonable rains nor great waves of the sea, and that there must be some special cause for such favour of Heaven; that apparently the throne of China was occupied by a sage emperor, who had procured for them these benefits.
＇After that, the duke conducted them to the ancestral temple of the reigning family, where he caused to be displayed on the one side the presents which they had brought, and on the other those which king Ching was sending to their prince. Among these were five chariots of a new invention. They accommodated the travelers and indicated at the same time the route which they kept, by means of a small box, made in the form of a pavilion or dome, suspended from the roof, in which was a hand that always pointed to the south, to whatever side the chariots might turn. It was on this account that they were called Tchi-nan-tshe (指南車), or chariot of the south. This machine was very useful to the envoys of Yue-tchang-tchi, for when they were arrived at the kingdom of Fou-nan-lin, on the borders of the sea, they took to some barques, and by means of this compass they needed only one year to return to their own kingdom.＇
Now, the Shoo does not contain, and never contained, any account of this embassy from Cochin-china, and have searched in vain for any mention of it in Sze-ma Ts＇een. The earliest mention of it is in Fuh-shang＇s ＇Introduction to the Shoo＇ (尚書大傳). His account is following:—周公居攝六年, 制醴作樂, 天下和平, 越裳以三象重九譯而獻白雉, 成王以歸周公, 公曰, 德澤不加焉, 君子不饗其質, 政合不施焉, 則君不巨其人, 吾何獲此賜也, 其使請曰, 吾受命吾國之黄耉曰,久矣天之無別風淮雨, 意者中國有聖人乎, 有則盍往朝之, 周公乃薦於宗廟, ＇In the sixth year of the duke of Chow＇s regency, he framed the ceremonial and officialstatutes of the dynasty, and made its music. The whole empire became harmonious and tranquil. At thattime, ambassadors came from Yuě-chang, with three elephants, and interpreters speaking nine languages, and presented a white pheasant. King Ching put them in the hands of the duke of Chow, who said, "Where the benefits of his virtue have not been experienced, the superior man declines to receive gifts; and a sovereign does not acknowledge as his subjects those to whom he has not issued the orders of his govt.;—on what ground is it that this offering comes to us?" The ambassadors begged to say, "We come by the command of the elders of our kingdom. They said,＇For a long time there have been no unusual winds nor unseasonable rains in the sky. Is it not likely that there is a sagely man in the middle kingdom? Why should you not go and pay homage at his court?＇" On this the duke of Chow presented them in the ancestral temple.＇
It will be observed that in this account no mention is made of the ＇south- pointing chariots＇.
We come to Han Ying, not much later than Fuh-shang. In his ＇Introduction to the She King＇ (韓詩外傳), composed about the middle of the second century B.C., we have substantially the same account of the embassy from Yuě-chang, but with certain marvels which preceded it. He says:—成王之時, 禾三苗貫桑而生, 同為一秀, 大幾满車, 長幾充箱, 成王問周公曰, 此何物也, 周公曰, 三苗同一秀, 意者天下始同一也, 比及三年, 果越裳氏重九譯而至, 獻白雉於周公, 道路悠遠, 山川幽深, 恐使人之未達也, 故重譯而來, 周公曰, 吾何以見賜也, 譯曰, 吾受命國之黄髮曰, 久矣天之不迅風疾雨也, 海不波溢也, 三年於此矣, 意者中國殆有聖人, 盍往朝之, 於是來也, ＇In the time of king Ching, three stalks of grain grew through a mulberry tree and came out inone flowering head, which was almost large enough to fill a cart, and long enough to fill the box of it. The king said to the duke of Chow, "What is this thing?" The duke replied, "Three stalks growing into one head probably betoken that the empire is now at length becoming one." Sure enough, three years after, the ruler of Yuě-chang sent an embassy with interpreters speaking nine different languages, which presented a white pheasant to the duke of Chow. The interpreters were necessary, because the distance was very great, with dark and deep mountains and rivers, so that the ambassadors might not be understood. The duke of Chow asked to what they were indebted for the offerings, when the interpreters said, "We received the command from the grey-haired men of our kingdom, who said, ＇For long, even for three years, we have had neither violent winds nor disastrous rains, nor storms on the sea. We may believe that there is a sage in the middle kingdom;—why not go and present yourselves at his court?＇ This is the reason we are come."＇
I do not find this account in the Introduction of Han Ying, as it is now generally edited; but it is quoted continually in illustration of the embassy from Yuě-chang;—see the 四書人名考, on the ＇Life of the duke of Chow＇. There seems to be no reason to doubt its having come from Han Ying; but it will be seen that neither does he make any mention of the ＇south-pointing chariots＇.
The earliest authority that I have found for connecting the duke of Chow and the embassy from Cochin-china with these chariots is the 中華古今注, a Work of the Tsin dynasty, the writer of which, after giving his opinion that the invention, was due to Hwang-te, about 1500 years anterior to the Chow dynasty! Adds that Hang K?ěn of the＇After Han,＇ attributed it to the duke of Chow. We read:—＇The duke having produced by his govt. a state of great tranquillity, the people of Yuě-chang came with interpreters speaking different languages, and presented one white pheasant, two black pheasants, and the tusk of an elephant. The ambassadors being astray as to their road back, the duke gave them two pieces of ornamented and embroidered silk, and five light carriages, all made on the pattern of pointing to the south. The ambassadors were conveyed in these to the south, as far as the city Lin [probably the pres. Kwei-lin, metrop of Kwang-se] of Foo-nan near the sea, so that in a year they reached their own country,&c.＇ (後漢恆建, 舊說云, 周公所作也. 周公致治太平, 越裳氏重譯來, 獻白雉一, 黑雉二, 象牙一, 使者迷其歸路,周公錫以文錦二疋, 軿車五乘, 皆為司南之制, 使越裳氏載之以南, 綠扶南林邑海際, 朞年而至其國, 云云;—卷上, art. 大駕指南車).
My readers will probably be disposed with me to set down the embassy from Yuě-chang as a mere legend, and the claim of the duke of Chow to be the inventor of the ＇south pointing chariot＇ as nothing better.
It is attributed to him under different circumstances in a fragment of the Works of 鬼谷子, ＇The hero of Demon villey,＇ a Taouist charlatan, somewhat later than Mencius, towards the end of the Chow dynasty. What he says, is that ＇the prince of Suh-shin presented a white pheasant to king Wǎn. There being a fear lest he should lose his way on his return home, the duke of Chow made the south-pointing chariot to conduct him safely＇ (肅慎氏獻白雉於文王, 還恐迷路, 周公因作指南車以送之;—see the 太平御覽, 卷第七百七十五,art. I.). Now, the Book of the Shoo which immediatelyfollowed the ＇Officers of Chow＇ was about the chief of Suh-shin; but the presumption from the prefatory notice is that did not contain anything about the duke of Chow. It related, moreover, to a visit from that chief to king Ching, and not to king Wǎn.
Allusion has been made to the account which carries back the making of the south pointing chariot to Hwang-te, more than 2, 600 years before Christ. This is given by Sze-ma Ts＇een.—Hwang-te was operating to put down a rebellious chief, called Ch＇e-yew, who, frustrated his measures for a time by enveloping the armies in clouds of mist, so that the enperor＇s men could not tell their position. Against this magical contrivance, Hwang-te made the chariots in question, and succeeded in taking the rebel alive. Later narrators ascribe the chariots to Hwang-te＇s empress; and there have been those who, forgetting the claims both of Hwang-te and the duke of Chow, have ascribed them to Kwan Chung, the chief counsellor of the duke Hwan of Ts＇e, in the 7th cent. B. C.;—see the 事物紀原,卷第二.
The general opinion among the Chinese, therefore, that the duke of Chow made the ＇south-pointing chariot,＇ cannot be received as resting on a historical foundation. The ＇south-pointing chariot＇ altogether may be called in question. The accounts of its construction as being drawn by four horses, with the wooden figure of a genius (木仙人) on the roof, are all fabulous;—see the 太平御覽, l. c. It would be hard to say that the mariner＇s compass was the child of this chariot. The truth, I imagine, is this, that the Chinese got some knowledge of the compass—found it out themselves, or learned it from India—not long before the Christian era, and that then the fables about the making of south-pointing chariots in more ancient times were invented.
THE NAME OF THE BOOK.—君陳, ＇Keun-ch＇in＇. Ts＇ae says that this was the name of the minister; and as the Book contains the charge given to him, it is called after him. Others would translate the characters—＇Prince Ch＇in,＇ as we translate the title of Bk. XVI., by ＇Prince Shih＇. Thus Hea Seen says:—＇He must have been invested with some principality as its ruler, on which account he is called 君, ＇Prince＇ (必封國為君, 故稱君).
2. "Formerly, the duke of Chow acted as teacher and guardian of the myriads of the people, who cherish theremembrance of his virtue. Go you, and with sedulous care undertake his charge; act in accordance with his regular ways, and exert yourself to illustrate his lessons:—so shall the people be regulated.
But as we know nothing of any principality with which this Keun-ch＇in had anything to do, it is better to abide by the view of Ts＇ae, in which he followed Gan-kw?.
K＇ang-shing supposed that Keun-ch＇in was a son of the duke of Chow, a younger brother of Pih-k＇in, but the evidence seems conclusive that this was not the ease. The charge could hardly have been delivered without containing some reference to such a relation between Keun-ch＇in and his predecessor. See in Lin Che-k＇e, on the point. The Book is found only in the text of Gau-kw?.
CONTENTS. I take the summary of these which is given in the ＇Complete Digest of Commentaries on the Shoo.＇—＇The whole Book may be divided into three parts. The first, which is also the first par., contains the words of Keun-ch＇in＇s appointment to the charge of the eastern capital. The concluding words,—"Be reverent," are specially emphatic, and give the keynote to all that follows. The second part contains parr.2—6, and enjoins on Keun-ch＇in to exert himself to illustrate the lessons of the duke of Chow, and thereby transform the people of Yin. The third part, parr.7—14, further enjoins on him to give full development to those lessons, and adduces various particulars in which his doing so would appear,—all illustrative of the command at the commencement, that he should be reverent.＇
Ch, I. P. I. THE CHARGE TO KEUN-CH＇IN;AND THE GROUND OF IT IN HIS PERSONAL EXCELLENCE. 惟爾至有政,一the ＇filial piety and respectfulness＇ (孝恭) are the attributes which compose the ＇excellent virtue＇ attributed to Keun-ch＇in. Gan-kw?interprets 恭 wrongly of ＇self-respect＇ (行已以恭). It is expanded, however, in the next clause into 友于兄弟,and is thus made to embrace both the respectfulness of the younger brother and the kindness of the elder. 克施有政一, ＇can be displayed in the possession (or by the possessor)of govt.＇ This sequel does not commend itself so readily to a foreigner as it does to the Chinese.A man, it seems to us, may be a good son and a good brother, and yet be but poorly fitted for the duties of an administrator, while it is true that a bad son and a bad brother cannot be trusted to discharge the duties of any other relation. The doctrine of king Ching, however, is that of all Chinese authorities, ancient and modern;—compare ＇The Great Learning＇ Comm. ch. ix.
[This portion of the Keun-ch＇in is quoted by Confucius, Ana. II., xxi.; but not to the letter. It would be absurd, however, to conclude from that that the text here is not genuine.]
By the 東郊, ＇eastern border or frontier,＇ we are evidently to understand Ching-chow, ＇the lower capital＇, to which the people of Yin had been removed.Gaubil is quite wrong, when he would understand by郊 here the sacrifice offered to Heaven, or the place of it. Ch＇in Sze-k＇ae gives the following statements:—＇The imperial city formed a square of nine le. Outside the city was called the 郊. Fifty le off was called the"near 郊, or frontier," and a hundred le off was called the "remote frontier". Ching-chow would be in the"near frontier".
Ch. II. Pp. 2—6. KEUN-CH＇IN MUST FOLLOW THE EXAMPLE AND LESSONS OF THE DUKE OF CHOW; MUST FEEL THE DIFFICULTY OF HIS DUTIES; SEEK THE COUNSEL OF OTHERS, BUT USE HIS OWN JUDGMENT; EVER ASCRIBING HIS MERIT AND SUCCESS TO THE EMPEROR.2. 師保萬民,—＇tutored and preserved the myriads of the people＇. The myriads of the people were those of Yin who had removed to Lǒ.—This is a very clear instance of the way in which such high-sounding phrases as 萬民 are employed. —往慎乃司,from the 厥常 which follows, we must interpret 乃常 of the duke of Chow,=其所司之職, ＇that which he was charged with＇. Medhurst takes 乃 as=汝, ＇you＇, which it often is; but its usage in the Shoo permits us also to take the 乃司 as I propose. Ts＇ae also takes it thus. 惟民其乂=則民其治矣.
3. I have heard that he said, ＇Perfect government is like piercing fragrance, and influences the spiritual Intelligences. It is not the millet which has the piercing fragrance; it is bright virtue.＇ Do you make this lesson of the duke of Chow your motto, being diligent from day to day, and not presuming to indulge in luxurious ease.
4. Ordinary men, while they have not seen a sage,are full of desire, as if they could not get a sight of him; but after they have seen him, they are still unable to follow him. Be cautioned by this. You are the wind; the inferior people are the grass.
3. 我聞日至惟馨—that the king is here quoting words which he had heard, directly or indirectly, from the duke of Chow, appears clear from the 式時周公之猷訓. Gan-kwǒ only heard in them the voice of ancient worthy. 馨=香遠聞, ＇fragrance smelt at a distance＇.黍稷,—these two kinds of millet, used in sacrifice, represent all the articles of sacrifice,—grain, flesh, fruits, spirits, &c. The clauses 黍稷非馨, 明德惟馨, are found quoted from the Books of Chow, in the 左儔, 僖五年. The general sentiment is the same as that which we find so often in the prophets of Holy Scripture,—the worthlessness of sacrifice without an earnest moral purpose in the officer .爾尚式 (=法) 時 (=是) 周公之猷訓=爾尚取此周公發明夫道理之訓, 而大法之. So says the ＇Daily Explanation＇, taking 猷 as an adj., qualifying訓. This may be done, but it is not necessary.
4 .凡人至由聖,—this is quoted as from ＇The Keun-ch＇in＇ in the Le Ke, Bk. 緇衣, par. 15. It might be thus with the 凡人, ＇the common people＇; but the king tells Keun-ch＇in it ought not to be so with him. He must set an example to the multitude of obedience to the sage＇s lessons, remembering that they would take their cue from him.
爾惟風, 下民惟草,—comp. the Ana. XII., xix., 君子之德風, 小人之德草, 草上之風, 必偃. The student will not be sorry to have the following illustration of the comparison by Soo Tung-po:—天地之化育, 有可以指而意者, 有不可求而得者, 日皆知其所以為暖, 雨皆知其所以為潤, 雷電知其所以為震, 雪霜皆知其所以為殺, 至於風, 悠然布於天地之閒, 來不知其所自出, 去不知其所入, 故日天地之化育, 有不可求而得者, 蓋風之於物, 鼓舞搖蕩, 而不知所以然, 君子之化民, 似之, 云云.
5. "In revolving the plans of your government, never hesitate to acknowledge the difficulty of the subject.Some things have to be abolished, and some to be adopted:—going out and coming in, seek the judgment of your people about them; and when there is a general agreement, exert your own powers of refiection.
6. When you have any good plans or counsels, enter and lay them before your sovereign in his palace.Thereafter, when you are acting abroad in accordance with them, say, ＇This plan or this view is all due to our sovereign.＇ Oh! if all ministers were to act thus, how excellent would they be, and how distinguished!"
5. 圖厥政,—＇planning your govt.＇ The 爾, lower down, shows that we are to take 厥 in the second person. Compare the same expression in Bk. XVIII., pp. 15, 16. 莫或不艱 may be taken imperatively, as in the translation, or indicatively,—＇there will perhaps always be difficulties＇. 出入自爾師虞,—the 出入 seem to trouble the critics considerably. Ying Yung (應鏞) says on them:—出上之意以達之下, 入下之言, 以達之上, ＇giving out the views of the sovereign to make them known to the people; bringing in the words of thepeople to make them known to the sovereign;＇ comp. on the ＇Can. of Shun,＇ p. 25. Ch＇in Ta-yew says—出謀之國人, 入謀之左右, ＇going out, consider the matters with the people; coming in, consider them with your associates＇. But we may very well translate the terms literally, and consider the meaning as= ＇always and everywhere＇. 師=眾, ＇all＇, ＇the multitude of the people＇.虞=度, ＇to calculate＇, ＇to consider＇. 言同則繹,—＇when their words agree, then unroll the matter＇, i.e., come to your own decision. Compare 克由繹之,—Bk. XIX., p. 19. Gan-kwǒ gives for 繹 here—陳而布之;—not so well.
[In the Le Ke, Bk. 緇衣, p. 19, we find the words quoted from ＇The Keun-ch＇in＇—出入自爾師虞, 庶言同, the concluding 則繹 being omitted.]
6. 謀 is defined by Ts＇ae as 言切於事, ＇words important to business＇; and 猷 as 言合於道, ＇words agreeing with reason＇. The ＇plans＇ and ＇counsels＇ of the translation seem to correspond to the characters. Of 良顯 it is said—良以德言, 顯以名言, ＇良 has reference to virtue; 顯 to fame＇.
The critics take different views of king Ching＇s requirement in this par., that he should himself have all the credit of Keun-ch＇in＇s wisdom and successes. Some, like a 葛氏, quoted by Ts＇ae, see in it a disclosure of the king＇s weakness and vanity. Others would make the king be speaking of Keun-ch＇in＇s ways in the past.—＇When you had good plans and counsel,you entered,＇ &c. This construction is not natural; and besides it would not much lighten the conclusion as to the king＇s unjust vanity.
7. The king said, "Keun-ch＇in, do you give their full development to the great lessons of the duke of Chow.Do not rely on your power to exercise oppression; do not rely on the laws to practise extortion. Be gentle,but with strictness of rule. Promote harmony by the display of an easy forbearance.
8. "When any of the people of Yin are amenable to the laws, if I say ＇Punish,＇ do not you therefore punish; and if I say ＇Spare＇, do not you therefore spare.
9. Seek the due course. Those who are disobedient to your government, and uninfluenced by your instructions, you will punish, remembering that the end of punishment is to make an end of punishing.
Many critics endeavour to make it out that the king is only laying down what ministers should do with a lofty superiority to the imputation of vanity to which it might subject himself! The truth is, king Ching was but a very ordinary man.
[The whole of this par. is found, quoted from ＇The Keun-ch＇in,＇ in the Le Ke, Bk. 坊記, p. 15.]
Ch. III. Pp. 7—14. THAT KEUN-CH＇IN＇S GRAND OBJECT SHOULD BE TO CARRY OUT THE PLANS OF THE DUKE OF CHOW, WITH THE SPIRIT AND MEASURES IN WHICH HE SHOULD DO THIS.
7. It is observed by Hea S?en that this paragraph describes the way in which Keun-ch＇in should carry out the plans of his predecessor among the people of Yin who did not violate the laws. There must be an absence of all oppression, but generosity must at the same time be accompanied with firmness.
作威= ＇to play the awe-inspiring＇. 無(=毋) 倚法以削削,—= ＇to cut＇, ＇to pare＇. Its application here is to the practice of extortion. Keun-ch＇in it is observed by Lin Che-k＇e, was not likely to do either of the things against which he is here warned, but it was right for the king to speak to him as he does, as it was right for Shun＇s counsellors to warn him against vices from which as a sage he was far removed. 從容以和,—＇be easy and tolerating to harmonize＇. The meaning seems to be that Keun-ch＇in should carry himself easily and forbearingly, and so effect a harmony between the people and himself and his measures. Ts＇ae explains the clause—和不可一於和, 必從容以和之, 而後可以和厥中, which Kǎng-yay says he does not understand.Ts＇ae has a trick of poising his sentences, with morereference to their sound than their sense.
Pp. 8—10. These parr. regard how Keun-ch＇in should deal with the people who were transgressors of the laws. He should have respect to the decisions of the law, and to the end of all law; and to nothing else. 8 .在辟辟,—=法, ＇the laws＇, meaning the punishments assigned by them. The ＇Daily Explanation＇ for 殷民在辟, gives—凡此殷民, 苟有犯法而入于刑辟之内者. 惟厥中=惟當審其輕重之中, ＇you ought simply to judge according to the due medium of lightnessand severity＇. The case which the emperor puts here is a very remarkable one,—that of himself seeking to interfere with the operation of the laws, and yet telling Keun-ch＇in not to pay regard to him. There are both weakness and goodness in what he says. 9. 若=順. 辟以止辟乃辟,—this would seem to say that even in such cases, where punishment was inevitable, it should be modified by a consideration of the end of all punishment. But the idea of a modification of the punishment is out of place; and therefore Gaubil has probably given the real meaning of the passage by translating—＇vou doves les punir séverement, afin d＇empêcher que les autres ne tombent dans les mêmes fautes＇.
10. Those who are inured to villainy and treachery,those who violate the constant duties of society,and those who introduce disorder into the public manners:—those three classes you will not spare,though their particular offences be but small.
11. "Be not passionate with the obstinate, and dislike them. Seek not every quality in one individual.
12. You must have patience and you will be successful; have forbearance and your virtue will be great.
10. 狃=習, ＇practised＇, ＇habitually given to＇. —敗常,comp. 反道敗德, ＇Counsels of Yu＇, p. 20; and 欲敗度,縱敗禮, ＇T＇ae-k?ǎ,＇ Pt. ii., p. 3. Wang Ts＇?aou refers,pertinently enough, to Bk. IX., p. 15, for instances of the crimes which are thus described. P. 16 may also illustrate the 亂俗. 三細不宥=人犯此三者, 雖小罪, 亦不可宥. Sun Ke-yew (孫繼有) observes:—三細, 非以三者為細也, 三事中所犯亦自有大小, 舉小以該大.
Pp. 11—13. How Keun-ch＇in should show patience and generous forbearance in dealing with the people. 11. 無 (=毋) 忿疾,—＇do not burst out into anger, and cherish dislike against＇. 疾 is the abiding of the 忿;—comp.身有所忿懥, 云云, ＇Great Learning＇, Comm., vii. 1. By 頑 are intended the ＇stupidly obstinate＇ people of Yin, who should continue opposed to the sway of Chow. They would give occasion for the ＇patience＇, immediately spoken of. 無求備于一夫,—comp. Ana. XVIII., x., 無求備于一人. This regards the people of Yin, who might be prepared to submit cordially, and who would give occasion for a ＇generous forbearance＇.
12 .若有忍, 其乃有濟—this appears in the 國語, as from the Shoo, but slightly varied,—必有忍也, 若能有濟也. Comp. Ana., XV., xxxvi.
有容, 德乃大—＇have forbearance, and the virtue is great＇.—Ts＇ae says:—＇Patience is associated with theissue of business; forbearance, with virtue. The king＇s discourse distinguishes these two things, as the one is more deep, and the other more shallow.＇ Forbearance then is superior to patience. Kǎng-yay condemns this reading of the text; but something of the sort seems to be implied. 13. 簡,—＇to select＇, meaning here ＇to mark＇, ＇to take distinguishing notice of,＇ whether in the way of approval or the contrary. On 簡厥至不修 the＇Daily Explanation＇ gives—有力田安居, 能修其職業者, 亦有遊手好閒, 不能修其職業者, 爾當簡其修者, 表厥宅里, 亦簡其不修者, 殊厥井疆, 不使混淆而無別, 則将修者益自奮, 而不修者亦知愧矣.
13. Mark those who manage their affairs well, and also mark those who do not do so. Advance the good to induce those who may not be so to follow theirexample.
14. "The people are born good, and are changed by external things, so that they resist what their superiors command, and follow what they themselves love. Do you but reverently observe all the statutes, and they will become virtuous; they will thus all be charged,and truly advance to a great degree of excellence.Then shall I, the one man, enjoy much happiness, and your excellent services will be famous through long ages!"
On 進厥良, 云云, Ts＇ae says:—進行義之良者亦率其不良, 則人勵行.
P. 14. The radical goodness of human nature always makes it capable of being reformed. What happy effects would follow from Keun-ch＇in＇s conducting his govt. to this issue. 惟民生厚,—compare Ana., VI., xvii., 人之生也直. Ts＇ae considers that 違上所命, 從厥所好 mean—＇They resist what their rulers only command, not exemplifying the same themselves, and follow what they love:＇ according to the teaching in the ＇Great Learning,＇ Comm., ix. 4. on this view the statement is that of another fact in the ways of men additional to what is said in the two previous clauses; and may be considered as the foundation of the 在德 in the admonition to Keun-ch＇in which follows.Another view, which I have followed, is ingeniously suggested by Wǎng Kǎng-yay. Acc. to it 違上所命, 從厥 (=其) 所好 is merely an expansion or illustration of因物有遷. The whole of Kǎng-yay＇s annotation on the passage is with reading=孩提之童, 皆知愛親, 及長皆知敬兄, 民生本厚也, 知誘物化, 然後百姓不親, 五品不遜者有之, 蓋因物有遷耳, 是以違上所命, 教令有所不行,從厥攸好, 而放, 僻, 邪, 侈, 無所不為, 厥者, 其也, 指民,而言自狗已所好耳, 以為從上所好者, 非也. 爾克敬典在德, —Ts＇ae makes this= ＇If you can reverently observe all the duties of society, and that with a real virtue,＇influenced no doubt by his view of 違上所命, 從厥所好. Our safer plan is to take 敬典 accord to its use in the＇Ann. to the prince of K＇an,＇ where it twice occurs;—in parr. 19 and 24. 在德 will then be descriptive of the conduct of the people thus ruled over. So, Lin Che-k＇e:—爾能敬典以導之, 其所行惟在於德, 則無有不變.＇If you can reverence the constant statutes, and so lead them on, what they do will be in the way of virtue, andso all will be changed.＇ 允升于大猷=信其能升進於大道. 其爾, 云云,—all this belongs to Keun-ch＇in. Ts＇ae is wrong in making 終有辭于永世, belong both to him and the king.