BOOK XX. THE OFFICERS OF CHOW.

1. The King of Chow brought the myriad regions ofthe empire to tranquility; he made a tour of inspection through the How and T?en tenures; he punished on all sides the chiefs who had refused to appear at court;thus securing the repose of the millions of the people,and all the prince of the six tenures acknowledging his virtue. He then returned to the honoured capital of Chow, and strictly regulated the officers of the administration.

THE NAME OF THE BOOK.—周官, ＇The Officers of Chow＇. The Book contains a general outline of the official system of the Chow dynasty. It details the names and functions of the principal ministers about the court, to whom various counsels moreover are addressed by king Ching. ＇The officers of Chow＇ is not an inappropriate name for it. It is found only in the old or Gan-kwǒ＇s text. Ts＇ae assigns it to the class of the Books of the Shoo called ＇Instructions＇ (訓體).

DATE: AND QUESTION OF GENUINENESS. The first par. refers the Book to king Ching, without any mention of the duke of Chow. Its date therefore must be in some year after the duke resigned the regency,and the king took the govt. into his own hands. As the next book but one (now lost) contained an account of the duke＇s death, in the 11th year of Ching, we may assign the ＇officers of Chow＇ to the 9th or 10th year of that monarch. I introduce the subject of the date here,because of the strangeness of the prefatory note about it, that the Book was made ＇when king Ching had made an end of the House of Yin, and extinguished the wild tribes of the Hwae＇ (see page 12). The ＇making an end of the House of Yin＇ carries us back to the death of Woo-kǎng in the 2d or 3d year of Ching (see P.N. 41); from which the extinction of the Hwae tribes would bring us down to his 7th or 8th year. The lst par.,which is the proper introduction to the Book, makes no mention of either of those events. I do not think the prefatory notice is entitled to any consideration.

On the question of the GENUINENESS of the Book, it will be sufficient here to give the remarks of Ts＇ae, reserving the fuller discussion of the points he mentions for their proper place in the annotations.He says:—＇This Book disagrees with the Chow Le, as we now have it, invarious point. For instance, the Chow Le does not contain the ministers called here the "three Kung," and "the three Koo". Some have said that the Kung and Koo were dignities, enjoyed by other minister, and were not specified officers; but if we refer to parr. 5 and 6, where it is said that "the three Kung discourse of the principles of reason, and adjust the States," and that "the three Koo assist the Kung to diffuse widely all transforming influences," these are specific duties, belonging to offices to which there can be none superior. Others would identify the 太師 here with the 師氏 of the Chow Le, and the 太保 with the保氏; but this cannot be, for the 師氏 and 保氏 are only subordinate officers in the department of the minister of Instruction.

＇Again, it is said here, p. 14, that "in six years the chiefs of the five tenures attend once at court,"whereas in the Chow Le, Bk. XXXVIII., the princes of the six tenures appear at court, from such and such a tenure, every year;—from another tenure in two years; and so on;—a quite different arrangement.These discrepancies give rise to doubts; but the Chow Le could only have been made by a sage. Or perhaps,the duke of Chow, when he was making all his arrangements for the officers of the government,had not come to the offices of the 師 and 保. What I mean is this, that he was restrained by some consideration of their greatness from speaking of them. Moreover, the book was not completed when the duke died. The laws and regulations in it had not all come into practice;—This may account for the discrepancies I have pointed out. And still farther:—What must have formed the sixth part of the Chow Le, "The officer of the Winter,"is lost. The beginning and end of it are incomplete.It is a work of the duke of Chow, to which alas! he did not put the finishing hand. Let the reader of the Shoo, however, compare it carefully with the classic,and he will be able to judge of the governmental arrangements of the duke of Chow.＇

CONTENTS. The Book has a beginning, middle,and end, more distinctly marked than we generally find in the Books of the Shoo. The first par. is introductory, and describes the condition of the empire when the arrangements of the official system of Chow were publicly announced; all the other parr. contain that announcement. The king begins by referring to the arrangements of former dynasties.He then, parr. 5—14, sets forth the principal offices of State, the ministers of which had their residence at court, and goes on to the arrangements for the administration of the provinces. The remaining parr.contain many excellent advices to the ministers and officers, to discharge their duties so that the fortunes of the dynasty might be consolidated, and there be no dissatisfaction among the myriad States. The whole,it will be seen, falls naturally into a division into five Chapters.

Ch. I. THE CONDITION OF THE EMPIRE WHEN THIS ADDRESS TO THE MINISTERS AND OFFICERS WAS PROMULGATED. Rebellion had been quelled; disobedience had been punished; peace had been secured at length within the borders of the empire.—There was now leisure to attend to the right ordering of the system of administration. 惟周王撫萬邦,—＇the king of Chow soothed the myriad regions＇.This phrase,—＇the myriad regions＇, as well as the 四征 and 兆民 below, are taken by Ying-tǎ as vague expressions, it being proper, when speaking of the movements and measures of the emperor, to do so ＇in large terms＇; and both Lin Che-k＇e and Ts＇ae approve of the remark. I have spoken of the five tenures of Yu, and the ten tenures of the Chow dynasty on pp.148, 149; and the difficulty of reconciling them with one another, and of reconciling the dimensions of even the five tenures with the actual extent of the country. There are other difficulties, however, in the way of taking the ＇myriad regions＇ of the text literally, which may be seen in the note of Ch＇in Sze-k＇ae inloc. He says:—＇The empire of Chow was 10000 le square. A space of 1000 le square, giving an area of 1000000 square le, would contain 100 States, each 100 le square; and the whole, 10000 such States. But the territory of one of the greater princes was 100 le square; it is easy to see how the tenures could contain 10000 States. At the beginning of the Chow dynasty, however, the princes who assembled at Muh were only 800 (see on p. 298, App. to the great Declaration). And in the "Imperial Regulations" [see the Le Ke, Bk.王制] the States of the empire only amount to 1713.For these reasons Ying-tǎ said we were not to take the 10000 in the text literally＇. We can indeed only regard the ＇myriad States＇ of the text as a great exaggeration; and we must take in the same way the statement in the左傳, about the great Yu, that ＇when he assembled the princes at mount T＇oo, they came with their gems and silks from ten thousand States＇ (哀公七年;—禹合诸侯於塗山, 執玉帛者萬國). —巡侯甸,see the figure of the tenures of Chow, on p. 149. Those of the How and theTeen were the first and second beyond the imperial domain. The critics seem to think that the king＇s progresses were not confined to them, but extended at least to the ＇six tenures＇ immediately mentioned.＇These two are mentioned,＇ says Ying-tǎ, ＇as being nearest to the imp. domain.＇ But why should we extend the meaning of the text in this way? There may have been good reasons, not recorded, why only the How and Teen tenures were inspected at this time. 四征弗庭=四方征討不庭之國. Ying-tǎ says the king had only smitten the Hwae tribes, and the statement here that his punitive expeditions had extended on every side is an exaggeration like that in ＇myriad regions＇. Here again our best way is simply to take the text as we find it.

弗庭=弗來庭者, as in the translation. Gan-kwǒ takes 庭=直, a meaning which the character has, but which does not seem so appropriate here. 兆人,—comp. Pt.III., Bk. III., p. 5. 六服,—the Chow dyn. had nine fuh, or ten, including the imp. domain. By the ＇six tenures＇ here are probably to be understood the How,T?en, Nan, Ts＇ae, Wei, mentioned in the 1st par. of the＇Announcement about Lǒ＇, and the imp. domain. There is much discussion on the point among the critics,however:—see Lin Che-k＇e in loc.

2. The king said, "It was the grand method of former times to regulate the government while there was no confusion, and to secure the country while there was no danger."

3. He said, "Yaou and Shun studied antiquity, and established a hundred officers. At court there were the General Regulator, and the President of the Four Eminences. Abroad there were the Pastors of the provinces, and the princes of States.

羣辟=諸侯. 承德=奉承周德, ＇honoured and received(=acknowledged) the virtue of the House of Chow＇.

歸于宗周,—where did the king return from? This announcement, occurring here, affords some ground for Ying-tǎ＇s view, that the king made a progress not only through the How and Teen tenures, but through all the others. By 宗周 it would seem that we should understand Woo＇s capital of Haou;—see on Bk. III., p.1. There king Ching continued to have his residence,notwithstanding the duke of Chow＇s wish that he should remove to the new city of Lǒ. The prefatory notice, however, says that the king returned to Fung,which had been the capital of Wǎn. The various methods by which it has been attempted to harmonize the two statements may be seen in Lin Che-k＇e. He himself approves of the view of Ch＇in Shaou-nan,—that king Ching first came to Haou, ＇the honoured city of Chow＇ in the text, and there deliberated and determined on the various arrangements for the officers; and that then, before the public proclamation of them, he went to Fung, to announce the intended measure in the temple of king Wǎn. 董正治官=督正治事之官, ＇strictly managed the rectification of the officers administering the affairs of government＇.

Ch. II. Pp. 2—4. FIRST PART OF THE KING＇S ADDRESS:—THE PRECEDENTS OF FORMER DYNASTIES, AND HIS OWN ANXIETY TO DISPLAY A SIMILAR WISDOM. 2. 若昔大猷,—Gan-kwǒ gives for this—當順古大道, ＇we ought to accord with (=to follow) the great method of antiquity＇. It is better to take 若 with Lin Che-k＇e, as in introductory particle, so that 若昔 simply=在昔,＇anciently＇. Ts＇ae understands the phrase thus. He is wrong, however, I think, in his interpretation of 大猷 as=大道之世, as if it were in apposition with 若昔, and the whole meant—＇in ancient times, the age when right principles greatly prevailed.＇ Gaubil takes the passage thus, and appears to think that some great meaning lies hid in it. He translates:—＇Anciently, in the time de la grande loi, good government consisted in preventing troubles, and in preserving the kingdom without danger;＇ adding in a note, ＇We see that the time of the grand law is a time of innocence; the troubles and the dangers of States come not till after this time.I believe that king Ching means to say that innocence of manners and public tranquillity are the basis of good government. The commentaries give here no light on the text.＇ The text is really sufficiently plain. 若昔大猷= ＇The grand method of former times was this:＇—The next par. illustrates how this method was carried out by Yaou and Shun, and Yu, and T＇ang. When they had brought peace in their distracted empires, they proceeded to secure it by the ordering of their official system. And Ching, having got the empire tranquillized at length, would now go on to imitate their example.

3. 唐虞稽古,—for 唐 and 虞 see on the names of Pt. I., and II. Yaou and Shun are intended, and it seems better to give those well-known names in the translation. Medhurst for 稽古 gives—＇examined the records of antiquity＇. But a statement so remarkable should not be supplemented. Gaubil observes that＇these two sovereigns, it may be inferred, had certain sources of knowledge, that is to say, some history, of the times anterior to theirs＇. The expression may lead us to infer so, but I have not introduced the inference into the version. Gaubil adds:—＇The author of the 左傳 speaks of the officers of Hwang-te, and of Shaouhaou, who reigned before Yaou. Confucius, in his commentaries on the Yih King, speaks of Fuh-he,of Shin-nung, and of Hwang-te, as of princes of an earlier date.＇ This subject will be found touched on in the prolegomena.

Thus the various departments of government went on harmoniously, and the myriad States all enjoyed repose. In the dynasties of Hea and Shang, the number of officers was doubled, and they continued able to secure good government. Those intelligent kings,in establishing their government, cared not so much about the number of the offices as about the men.

4. Now I, who am a little child, cultivate with reverence my virtue, concerned day and night about my deficiencies. I look up to those former dynasties,and seek to conform to them, while I instruct and direct you, all my officers.

内有至侯伯,—for 百揆, see on the ＇Canon of Shun,＇p. 2. 四岳,—see on the ＇Can. of Yaou,＇ p. 11; et al. 州牧,—see on the ＇Can. of Shun,＇ p. 16. Ts＇ae takes 侯伯 as= ＇the chiefs of the princes of States＇; and Yingtǎ identified them with the 五長, mentioned in the ＇Yih and Tseih,＇ p. 8. Much preferable to either of those views is that of Lin Che-k＇e, that the 侯 and 伯 are two of the five orders of feudal princes, among whom the provinces were divided,—two specified for the whole. 庶政惟和,—comp. 庶績咸熙, ＇Can. of Shun,＇ p. 27.

Medhurst translates 亦克用乂 by ＇and yet they were enabled to maintain order, as if it were surprising that they should be able to do so with two hundred officers instead of one hundred. We ought not to suppose any adversative force in 亦. Lin Che-k＇e appears to have had an impression of the meaning similar to that of Dr. Medhurst, for he writes of the officers of Hea and Shang being double the number of those of You and Shun, and of those of the Chow dyn. being still more numerous (amounting to 360), because men were more able in the earlier times. It is strange that it did not occur to him that, as the population grew with the lapse of time, the number of officers was necessarily increased. 明王至末,—Gan-kwǒ joined this to the next par., and understood it as a general remark about ＇intelligent kings＇, with which Ching prefaces the account of his own arrangements. It is better to understand the remark as applying to Yaou and Shun, Yu and T＇ang. The gist of it is, that these sovereigns were not anxious to have the show of many offices, but to get right men. Ts＇ae says:—明王立政, 不惟其官之多, 惟其得人而已。

4. 祗勤于德,—＇reverently sedulous about my virtue＇.逮=及, ＇to reach to＇. 夙夜不逮=夙夜常恐有所不及.We must suppose that he measured his deficiencies with reference to the standard of Yaou, and the other＇intelligent monarchs＇.

仰惟前代時 (=是) 若 (=順)=予仰承前代之明王, 惟奉順不違, ＇I look up to those intelligent monarchs of former dynasties, seeking to honour them and conformto them, and not to act contrary to their example＇. 訓迪厥官,—＇to lesson and lead the officers＇.

5. "I appoint the Grand Tutor, the Grand Assistant,and the Grand Guardian. These are the three Kung.They discourse of the principles of reason, and adjust the States; harmonizing also and regulating the operations of Heaven and Earth. These offices need not always be filled:—there must first be the men for them.

6. "I appoint the Junior Tutor, the Junior Assistant,and the Junior Guardian. These are called the three Koo.

Ch. III. Pp. 5—14. THE SECOND PART OF THE KING＇S ADDRESS, GIVING THE PRINCIPAL OFFICIAL AND GOVERNMENTAL ARRANGEMENTS UNDER THE NEW DYNASTY. 5,6. The three Kung, and three Koo. We cannot well translate 公 and 孤 in these parr. Medhurst calls the 三公, ＇three dukes＇ and the ,三孤, ＇three conspicuous ones＇. But the terms are here as names of office, and not of nobility. We may suppose that the Kung were so called with reference to the public spirit and freedom from all selfishness which 公 denotes. The dict. says the Koo were so named to show that, though they were assistant to the Kung, they were not to be considered as subordinate officers of their departments. Gan-kwǒ＇s account of the name is somewhat similar:—孤,特也, 卑於公, 尊於卿, 特置此三者. When it is said—＇I appoint the Grand Tutor,＇ &c., (立大師云云), we arenot to understand that these names and the offices belonging to them were first constituted by king Ching. From Pt. IV. Book XI., we see that they were in existence in the time of the Shang dyn. King Wǎn had 太公 for grand Tutor, and under Woo that office was exercised by the duke of Chow, while the duke of Shaou was Grand Protector or Guardian. The meaning must be, that the offices were now more definitely declared a part of the governmental system of the Chow dynasty. Lin Che-k＇e is of opinion that little is to be gained by attempting curiously to define the names師, 傅, and 保, and distinguish them from one another.Kea K＇wei (買逵) held that 保 had reference to the preservation of the person; 傅, to aiding in virtue and righteousness; and 師, to the guidance of instructions. Gan-kwǒ said that ＇the 師 was the

emperor＇s pattern; the 傅, his helper; and the 保, his sustainer in virtue and righteousness＇. The renderings in the translation cannot be far from the exact meaning. The business of the three Kung was 論道經邦, 變理陰晹. By 道 we are to understand all principles of reason and truth,—all the courses or ways, which it was proper for the emperor to pursue. The effect of the Kungs＇ discoursing on these with him would be seen in the States of the empire, in the govt. of which there would be no order. It would be seen also in the harmony of all the elements of nature, and the material prosperity which was dependent on them. This seems to be what is intended by ＇harmonizing and regulating the Yin and Yung.＇ On the two characters 陰and 陽, which occur with their mystical application nowhere else in the Shoo, it may be sufficient here to give the note of Gaubil:—＇Chinese books are filled with these two characters. In their natural sense 陽signifies "clear", "light" and 陰, "obscure", "darkness". In Chinese Physics 陽 is "movement", or the principle of movement; and 陰 is "repose", or the principle of repose. The moral and metaphorical applications of the terms are infinite, and extend to whatever is susceptible of them more or less, whether in Physics or in Morals. The sense of this paragraph is that all goes well in the empire; that the laws are in vigour; that commerce flourishes; that there are no public calamities; that the seasons are not deranged.＇ I believe that the meaning is not more than what Gaubil says. The remarks of Wang Kǎng-yan are quite express on the point:—燮理陰暘, 別無他道, 性區處人事, 各得其宜, 则天地之自順, 故堯舜在上, 而天災滅熄 [This is a sad mis-representation], 庶政太和, 在夏懋德, 而罔有天災, 考其所為, 不逼咨四岳九官十二牧, 分任庶政, 使人人各遂其性而包, 初未嘗特設燮理陰陽之官, 亦未聞別燮理陰踢之政, 云云.

They assist the Kung to diffuse widely all transforming influences; they with reverence display brightly thepowers of heaven and earth:—assisting me, the one man.

7. "I appoint the prime minister, who presides over the ruling of the empire, has the general management of all other officers, and secures an uniformity throughout all within the four seas:

See my remarks on ＇The Doctrine of the Mean＇, i. 5; etal.

官不必備, 惟其人,—the meaning of this is briefly and clearly given by one of the brothers Ch＇ing.—不得其人而居之, 不若闕之之愈也, ＇If the right men cannot be got to put in these positions, it is better to leave them unoccupied.＇

貳公弘化, 寅亮天地,—貳公, ＇seconding(=helping) the Kung＇. 天地 correspond to 陰陽 in the former par.Tsoo-h?en says that ＇Heaven and Earth are used with regard to the visible forms of those bodies or powers,and 陰 and 陽 with regard to their 氣, or operating energy.＇ Gaubil is wrong when he would understand＇religion＇ by ＇Heaven＇ and ＇government＇ by ＇Earth＇.

[I have stated, in the introductory note from Ts＇ae,the objection taken against the genuineness of this Book, from the Chow Le＇s saying nothing about the duties of the three Kung and three Koo. But the existence and exalted dignity of these offices is referred to repeated in the Chow Le. For instance,Bk. XXI., p. 3, commences—王之三公八命, 其卿六命, which declares the existence of the Kung, and intimates their superiority in rank to the executive ministers of the government. Par. 32 of Book XXXVI,again, gives the Koo likewise precedence of those ministers.—左九棘, 孤, 卿, 大夫位焉, 羣士在其後, 右九棘, 公, 侯, 伯, 子, 男位焉, 羣吏在其後, 面三槐, 三公位焉, 州長, 眾庶在其後. The Chow Le therefore is not silent on these great ministers, as we might suppose from what Ts＇ae says. It only does not treat of them separately, defining their duties, and enumerating the officers in their departments. But they were not the heads of departments. They composed the emperor＇s cabinet or privy council. Biot calls them happily—＇lesconseillers auliques;＇ and ＇les vice-conseillers＇. They were the prototypes of the 内閣, or ＇Inner Council＇ of the present day. It did not belong to the plan of the Chow Le to speak of them more fully than it does.

But if we could not thus account for the little that is said about them in that Work, the inference would be against it, and not against this Book. There can be no doubt as to the genuineness of the first half of par.5. If all the rest of the Book be forged, so much—立太師, 太傅, 太保, 兹惟三公—has come to us with the guarantee of Ch＇ing Heuen; and even K?ang Shing edits it as a veritable fragment of ＇The Officers of Chow＇.]

Pp. 7—12. The six chief ministers of the executive.Only the minister is mentioned, but in every case we are to understand that he was the head of a department with many subordinate officers. There is a close correspondence between those six departments of Chow, and the ＇six Boards＇ (六部) by which the govt. of the empire is now administered. 7. 冢 (=大) 宰,—＇the great or prime governor＇. The name was as old as the Shang dynasty, for we find it applied to E Yin, Pt. IV.,Bk. IV., p. 1. This was the office of the duke of Chow(see Bk. XVII., p. 1), who united with it the dignity of＇Grand Tutor＇. The 冢宰 is ＇the officer of Heaven＇ (天官) of the Chow Le, and is represented now by the ＇Board of Civil Office＇ (吏部). He was superior to all the other great ministers, and was called ＇their Head＇ (六卿之首).This difference between him and them is intimated,I think, by the 统百官, ＇has the general management of all the officers＇. This is probably what is intended by the difficult clause in Pt. IV., Bk. IV, p. 1, 百官總已以聽冢宰 must understand 立, from p. 5, at the commencement of this and the other parr.

8. the minister of Instruction, who presides over the education of the empire, inculcates the duties attaching to the five relations of society, and trains to obedience the people:

9. the minister of Religion, who presides over the ceremonies of the empire, attends to the service of the spirits and manes, and makes a harmony between high and low;

10. The minister of War, who presides over the military administration of the empire, commands the six hosts, and secures the tranquillity of all the States:

11. the minister of Crime, who presides over the prohibitions of the empire, searches out the villainous and secretly wicked, and punishes oppressors and disturbers of the peace:

The 邦 in them is also to be taken as=邦國, ＇the empire＇. 8. 司徒,—＇the super-intendent of the multitudes,＇ perhaps with a reference to the meaning of徒 as ＇disciples＇. This officer was as old as the time of Shun;—see the ＇Can. of Shun,＇ p. 19. He is the ＇officer of Earth＇ (地官) of the Chow Le. His department seems to merge in that of the present ＇Board of Rites＇, for we can hardly identify it with the ＇Board of Revenue＇ (戶部).

敷五典,—comp. ＇敬敷五典, Can. of Shun＇, p. 19. =擾安, ＇to tranquillize＇. Ts＇ae for 擾兆民 gives 馴擾兆民之不順者, 而使之順. 9. 宗伯,—this office was also as oldas the time of Shun. See ＇Can. of Shun＇, p. 23; which supplies an explanation of the name 宗伯, as=宗廟官長, chief officer of the ancestral temple＇. Otherwise,we might translate it by—＇The reverend＇, ＇The very reverend＇. He was the ＇officer of the Spring＇ (春官) of the Chow Le; and his department now is that of the Board of Rites (禮部), which also absorbs in a great measure the functions of the ＇minister of Instruction＇as I have observed. 治神人= the 掌建邦之天神地袛人鬼之醴, ＇manages the ceremonies to be paid to the spirits of Heaven, of Earth, and of Men,＇ of the Chow Le. Gaubil says:—＇Il s＇agit des ceremonies religieuse pour les esprits, et des civiles pour les hommes morts.＇One cannot restrain a smile at the distinction which he introduces between the ceremonies, as here ＇religious＇,and there only ＇civil＇! 和上下,—all festive, funeral, and other ceremonies, as well as those of sacrifice, came under the 宗伯, who had therefore to define the order of rank, precedence, &c. This is what is intended by the ＇high and low＇ of the text. 10. —＇司馬,Tsae says that ＇no arm of warlike measures is more important than the cavalry, and hence the minister of War was called "master of the Horse"＇ (軍政莫急於馬, 故以司馬名官). This minister does not appear among the officers of Shun. He is the ＇officer of Summer＇ (夏官) of the Chow Le, and appears in the ＇Board of War＇ (兵部) of the present day. 掌邦政,—＇handles the govt. of the empire＇. But the same might be said of every other minister;—why is the name of ＇government＇ used only in connection with the minister of War? Ts＇ae says:—＇Military measures are used to punish and to smite,—to correct the evil doers; they are the greatest of the measures of imperial govt.＇ (戎政用以征伐而正彼之不正, 王政之大者) .六師,—see on ＇The Punitive Expedition of Yin,＇ p. 1.

11. 司寇,—＇manager of banditti＇ (羣行攻劫日寇). Kaou-yaou was Shun＇s minister of Crime, though he was only called 士; see the ＇Can. of Shun,＇ p. 20.

12. and the minister of Works, who presides over the land of the empire, settles the four classes of the people, and regulates the seasons for obtaining the advantages of the ground.

13. "These six ministers, with their different duties,lead on their subordinates, and set an example to the nine pastors of the provinces, enriching and perfecting the condition of the millions of the people.

14. In six years the chiefs of the five tenures attend once at court. When this has been done a second six years, the king makes his tours of inspection in the four seasons, and examines the regulations and measures at the four mountains.

There is now the ＇Board of Punishment＇ (刑部); but the text says that the minister of Crime handled the prohibitions of the empire＇. ＇He is so described,＇observes Ch＇in King, ＇to show the benevolent purpose of punishments, as instituted to deter men from doing evil＇. This minister was ＇the officer of Autumn＇ (秋官) of the Chow Le. 12. 司空,—＇the minister of Works＇.He was the ＇officer of Winter＇ (冬官), of the Chow Le,the portion of which relating to his department was unfortunately lost, though the scholars or the Han dynasty have endeavoured to supply it. The present＇Board of Works＇ (工部) corresponds to this minister,and his functions. In the ＇Canon of Shun＇ we have the name of 司空, and also of 共工, which appears to have been the more ancient designation;—see the ＇Can.of Yaou,＇ p. 10. 司空 may be translated—＇overseer of the unoccupied＇, suggesting to us that the earliest duties of this minister must have been to assign unoccupied lands. Kin Le-ts＇?ang says:— ＇The 司空was the minister who managed unoccupied ground(空土), dividing and defining them in preparation for the investiture of ministers; for dotations to officers;for assignment as fields to husbandmen, shops to mechanics, and stances to trackers. All the ground unapportioned was under his management; once apportioned, the minister of War and the minister of Instruction had then to do with it.＇ See the 集說. 居四民,—＇settles the four classes of the people,＇ i.e.,arranges that scholars or officers, farmers, workers,and merchants shall all live in the places best adapted for them.

時地利,—＇times the advantages of the earth＇. This would seem to imply that different operations might be required at different times, and that changes and removals of settlements might come to be desirable;—all to be done by the advice and authority of the minister of Works.

Pp. 13, 14. Relation of the six ministers to the pastors of the provinces; and rule for imperial progresses, and appearances of the various princes at court. 13. 各率其屬,—＇each one leads on those belonging to his department＇. The subordinates of each department amounted, in theory, to sixty. As the Chow Le exists, however, the dept. of the prime minister has 68 officers; that of the minister of Instruction, 76; that of the minister of Religion, 69; that of the minister of War, 69; and that of the minister of Crime, 65. The excess in each, it is supposed, belonged originally to the officers of the dept. of the minister of Works, the account of which is commonly believed to be lost. See the work of Ch＇in Sze-k＇ae in loc. 以倡九牧,— ＇to go before—be an example to—the nine pastors＇. We do not learn from the Show how communications were maintained between the six ministers at the imperial court and the pastors of prorinces. 14. 六年至又六年,—in the Chow Le, Bk. XXXVIII., it is said that the princes of the How tenure appeared at court every year; those of the Teen, every two years; of the Nan,every three years; of the Ts＇ae, every four years; of the Wei, every five years; and of the Yaou, every six years. This seems a different arrangement from that described in the text.

The princes attend on him, each at the mountain of his quarter, and promotions and degradation are awarded with great intelligence."

15. The king said, "Oh! all ye men of virtue, my occupiers of office, pay reverent attention to your charges, and be careful of the commands you issue;for, once issued, they must be carried into effect and not be retracted. By your public feeling extinguish all selfish aims, and the people will have confidence in you, and be gladly obedient.

16. Study antiquity in order to enter on your offices.In deliberating on affairs, determine by help of suchstudy, and your arts of government will be free from error.

The text mentions five tenures and not six;—perhaps the Yaou tenure was too distant, and too little reduced to the order of the nearer domains, to be made much account of in king Ching＇s time. The text of the Shoo and of the Chow Le so far agree, that in six years the prince from all the tenures had appeared at court. They differ in this, that the text would appear to make the princes to appear there only once, whereas, acc. to the other authority, all but those of the Yaou tenure would have appeared repeatedly. The interpretation must be strained either in the one case or the other, to make the two accounts agree. 王乃時巡以下,—Compare parr,8, 9. Shun＇s progresses were made every five years,and the nobles all appeared during the intermediate ones. As the empire and its population grew, it was found necessary to separate the progresses by a longer interval.

Ch. IV. Pp. 15—20. THIRD PART OF THE ADDRESS:—VARIOUS EXHORTATIONS TO THE MINISTERS AND OFFICERS AS TO THE WAY IN WHICH THEY SHOULD DISCHARGE THEIR DUTIES. 15. How they should attend to their offices, especially in the matter of issuing orders, and in putting away all selfishness. 君子 is best taken here as 有德之稱; the king thus shows his respect for his officers .欽乃攸司=敬汝所主之職, 慎乃出令,—whatcommands are we to understand by 令 here? Most critics take them as ＇governmental notifications＇ (國家政令), but I cannot think so. Such orders would go forth as from the sovereign himself. I understand the commands here, with Leu Tsoo-h?en, as orders to be issued by superior officers to their subordinates; to which I would add notices by any of them to the people under their jurisdiction .令出惟行, 弗惟反,—反=囘還, ＇to return＇, ＇to come back＇. It is here nearly equal to our ＇to restract＇. The difficulty is with the惟, especially in 弗惟反. Ts＇ae gives 欲 for it in both cases.—令出欲其行, 不欲其壅逆而不行. There seemsno better way of dealing with it. 民其允懷=民莫不敬信懷服. 16. The necessity of study—of acquainting themselves with the past and the present—in order to their discharge of their duties.

Make the regular statutes of our dynasty your rule,and do not with artful speeches introduce disorder into your offices. To accumulate doubts is the way to ruin your plans; to be idle and indifferent is the way to ruin your government. Without study, you stand facing a wall, and your management of affairs will be full of trouble.

17. I caution you, my high nobles, exalted merit depends on the high aim, and a patrimony is enlarged only by diligence. It is by means of bold decision that future difficulties are avoided.

18. With rank, pride comes unperceived, and extravagance in the same way with emolument.

學古至不迷,—學古而入官; it is, no doubt, to these words that Tsze-ch＇an, the ministers of Ch＇ing, refers in the 左傳, 襄二十一年, when he says—僑聞學而後入政, 未聞以政學者也. In illustration of the advice,comp. Bk. IX., p. 5. The clause 議事以制 seems alsoto be quoted in the 左傳, 昭六年, in connection with the same Tsze-ch＇an. 其爾至厥官,—by 典常 we are to understand the statutes of the existing dynasty. The＇Daily Explanation＇ expands 其爾典常作之師 clearly,though rather lengthily:—然天下事, 有宜于古, 而未即宜于今者, 又當以本朝為法, 如我文武周公之所經畫, 皆當代之典常也, 爾大小庶官, 尤宜于先王典常, 祗遵率由,奉為師法. We may compare with the sentiment that in＇The Charge to the viscount of Wei,＇ p. 4, 卒由典常.

利口,—Ts＇ae thinks the ＇sharp mouths＇ are those of the officers themselves; Wang Kǎng-yay thinks they are those of others to whose suggestions the officers listen. What is said in ＇The Charge to Chung of Ts＇ae,＇p. 7, may be pleaded to determine in favour of either view,—無作聰明亂舊章, 罔以侧言改厥度. 不學牆面,—compare Con. Ana., XVII., x. 17. The necessity of ahigh aim, of diligence, and of decision. This advice (and we may suppose, with Ts＇ae, the others that follow also) is addressed to the 卿士, ＇the chief ministers and officers;＇ but we need not confine its application to them. Gan-kwǒ says:—此戒凡有官位, 但言卿士, 舉其掌事者. 功崇惟志,—this may be expressed by 功以志崇, or 崇功在志, or 功之所以崇乃志, &c. I call attention to this to illustrate the use of the 惟, which may becalled the particle par eminence of the Shoo. Choo He illustrates the sentiment by 斷以不疑, 鬼神避之, 需者事之賊也. This last expression is from the 左傳. We say—＇Procrastination is the thief of time;＇ the Chinese say—＇Procrastination is the thief of business＇.

Let reverence and economy be real virtues, and do not show them in your affairs with hypocrisy. Practise them as virtues, and your minds will be at ease, and you will daily become more admirable. Practise them in hypocrisy, and your minds will be toiled, and you will daily become more stupid.

19. In the enjoyment of favour think of peril, and never be without a cautious apprehension. He who is without such apprehension finds himself amidst what is to be feared.

20. Push forward the worthy, and give place to the able, and harmony will prevail among all your officers.When they are not harmonious, the government becomes a tangled confusion. If those whom you advance are able for their offices, the ability is yours.If you advance improper men, then you are not equal to your duty."

18. Against pride and extravagance. 位不期驕,—see, for the meaning to 期, on 期于予治, in ＇The Counsels of Yu,＇ p. 11. The cure for pride is ＇reverence＇ (恭), akin to what we call ＇self-respect＇. If a man feel that he is in himself above his rank he will not be lifted up by it. Similarly, the cure for extravagance is ＇economy＇(儉). But this reverence and economy must be real,and not assumed,—true virtues. This is the meaning of 恭儉惟德, 無載爾偽, ＇Reverence (the cure for pride) and economy (the cure for extravagance) must be truly virtuous, and not merely conveyances (=car-riages to convey) for your hypocrisy.＇ I cannot do anything better than this with the 載. Mencius probably had this passage in view, when he wrote 恭儉豈可以聲音笑貌為哉, (IV. Pt. I., xvi).

19. In prosperity think of adversity. 居寵思危,—comp. in ＇The T＇ae-k?ǎ, Pt.iii., p. 5, 無安厥位, 惟危. Wefind the text quoted in the 左傳, 囊十一年, with 安 or寵. We may take the 惟 in 惟畏 as=思, according to the construction of the T＇ae-k?ǎ, l. c. 弗畏入畏=不知祗畏,則入于可畏之中. Shin She-hing observes that ＇the first two 畏 intend the apprehension of the mind, while the last indicates the calamity of overthrow and disgrace.＇20. How it would be for their own good and the public advantage to advance the meritorious. The first four characters—推賢讓能, are found in Seun K＇ing, 仲尼篇. 讓能,——＇yieldshow complaisanceto the able＇.政庬,—the 說文 defines 庬 by 石大貌, ＇the appearance of a great rock＇. The meaning of 亂, ＇confusion＇, is commonly given to it here. 舉能其官=所舉者能修其官.

21. The king said, "Oh! ye charged with the threefold business of government, and ye great officers, reverently attend to your departments, and conduct well your affairs of government, so as to assist your sovereign, and secure the lasting happiness of the millions of the people:—so shall there be no dissatisfaction among the myriad States."

Ch. V. P. 21. THE END OF THE ADDRESS:—THE HAPPY AND PREMANENT RESULTS OF THE MINISTERS AND OFFICERS ACTING AS THEY WERE EXHORTED. 三事,—see last Book, p. 7. The＇six ministers are intended by the phrase; but how to classify them as the 任人, 準夫, and 牧 respectively, I do not know. By 大夫 are intended all the subordinate officers of the six departments. 亂爾有政,—亂 is evidently=治. Wang Kǎng-yay says that the last clause,萬邦惟無斁 is inexplicable. The 無斁, as describing the feeling of the people to the officers, is inadmissible,he thinks, and he cannot construe the 惟. But there are many more difficult passages in the Shoo. I do not think the meaning is that the States would never be wearied of the officers, but that they would never be weary of the dynasty sustained by them in such a way.